EXPERT PERSPECTIVE — A couple of week earlier than being interviewed by Richard Bruce Cheney about whether or not I’d be the best individual to function his nationwide safety briefer, I broke a bone in my left foot. Whereas bounding down the steps at house in a rush to not be late to a gathering on the Nationwide Safety Council, I missed a step. So, somewhat than spending the morning at The White Home, I spent it at a health care provider’s workplace getting a giant, goofy, purple forged on my left leg. Incredible. How higher to exude to the Vice President of america that I’d be competent as his President’s Each day Transient (PDB) briefer, than hobbling into the interview with a forged? One way or the other, I acquired the job.
Throughout the presidency of George W. Bush, the President and Vice President’s PDB briefers met and traveled with them six days every week, typically seven. We might awaken each morning round 1:00am to arrange what is named the “E-book” and accompanying materials. The E-book was the President’s Each day Transient itself, a brutally concise, comparatively quick assortment of intelligence analyses produced at the moment, by simply the CIA; it went to a brief listing of designated policymakers. All who acquired it additionally acquired morning briefers to accompany and broaden on the content material as wanted and to take taskings, however solely these for the President and Vice President routinely traveled with them. Along with the PDB, there was “behind-the-tab” materials for all recipients besides the President. In Cheney’s case, I made a decision—with zero supervision or coordination—what he additionally wanted to see, per my judgement. Uncooked intel, press items, ebook summaries, graphics, and anything that I believed may very well be helpful.
I usually briefed the then-Vice President on the Naval Observatory, the official residence for U.S. vice presidents. However only a week into the job, I accompanied him on Marine Two to Camp David, the place he would attend some conferences. Thus started a fast, every day studying curve into who this man was – beginning with how he handled others.
“Others” fell usually into two classes with little grey space between—these he revered and people he didn’t. Individuals in each classes normally knew the place they stood, and Cheney didn’t manifest completely different orientations towards folks primarily based on their societal stations in life. This was a person whose default setting was to point out courtesy and respect towards others except they satisfied him in any other case. Each certainly one of his ushers, central members of the residence workers, instructed me individually – with zero nudging from me – that they preferred the Cheneys way more than they preferred their predecessors. Why, I requested. As a result of the Cheneys at all times confirmed respect to them, their time calls for, they instructed me. As for these within the different class? Many people recall Cheney telling Senator Patrick Leahy to “go f*** your self” on the Senate flooring in 2004. He additionally bluntly expressed his opinions on a variety of actors and even nations to me throughout our time collectively. Few if any fell into grey space.
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Cheney constantly hosted the longest of the PDB classes throughout all PDB recipients of that Administration, a mirrored image of his mental curiosity, the infinite stacks of books and different issues he learn, his a few years of navigating the U.S. Authorities and geopolitics, and the truth that on most mornings, he went from his briefings with me to attending PDB classes along with his boss. I at all times had no less than half-hour with him, and on mornings when occasions or journey altered the President’s schedule, my classes might stretch past 90 minutes.
One thing that was mirrored in his time dedication to these PDB classes was that, amongst being many issues, Dick Cheney was an overachiever of the world-class order. No matter job, responsibility, mission, strategic pursuit that is perhaps in his cross hairs, he could be totally ready. This a part of him in fact helped land his stint because the youngest White Home Chief of Employees in historical past, below President Gerald Ford.
A lot has been written about Cheney’s function and actions within the quick wake of 9/11; I got here after, through the run as much as and penalties following America’s second invasion of Iraq. Due to after I briefed him and the job I took instantly afterward in July 2003 – Chief of CIA’s Iraq enterprise protecting army, political, management, and financial evaluation – I draw from a singular mixture of views to supply context on the Iraq, Dick Cheney story. Some will probably be shocked by what I noticed together with throughout NSC conferences chaired by President Bush and attended by Cheney after I sat in because the ‘plus-one’ for the CIA Director or for the Director of Nationwide Intelligence.
On March 16, 2002, Dick Cheney mentioned on NBC’s Meet the Press, “I feel issues have gotten so unhealthy inside Iraq, from the standpoint of the Iraqi folks, my perception is we’ll, in truth, be greeted as liberators . . . I feel it [the invasion] will go comparatively rapidly . . . weeks somewhat than months.” As we now know, he – and different seniors within the Bush Administration – couldn’t have been extra improper.
Not lengthy after we invaded Iraq in March of 2003, violence there started to swell up, and shortly thereafter the CIA enterprise I headed gave President Bush and Cheney – their first and extremely unwelcome dose of the “I” phrase: insurgency. Early on, Bush and different Administration seniors defined the sources of the violence as “criminals, regime dead-enders, or trouble-makers” pushed into the nation by Iraq and Syria as operatives. However in the summertime of 2003, we put a PDB into the Oval Workplace arguing that an organized and indigenous insurgency was rapidly growing. Suggestions from Bush’s PDB briefer that morning was “The President was so indignant he got here off his chair. He desires a memo tomorrow morning recounting after we warned him this was coming.” Quite a bit folks labored in a single day to supply that 4.5-page piece, which delivered what was requested.
In some unspecified time in the future between that preliminary shock and late summer season, fall of 2003, Cheney – whom we had briefed in additional element on the insurgency, instructed us “The President wants to listen to this.” Take into account that one of many Administration’s most vocal and influential advocates of invading Iraq, who had been on report saying the hassle could be simple and quick, had now turned to persuading Bush and his complete NSC that we confronted an insurgency in Iraq. Cheney knew that this data, as soon as it entered the general public area, would possible get himself in addition to President Bush eviscerated by the media and by critics. However that appeared to matter little to him; america was underestimating what it was now dealing with in Iraq, and Cheney’s focus grew to become aligning coverage with actuality.
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Just a few days earlier than Veterans Day in 2003, somebody within the CIA Director’s workplace instructed me there could be a briefing that day for Bush’s NSC on Iraq that I’d lead. Cheney had facilitated this. I additionally was instructed I might take one analyst of my selection, however I knew some on the NSC would push again laborious and would count on “within the weeds” particulars of our evaluation, so I subbed myself out and despatched two senior analysts who knew the weeds – a superlative army professional and a political-analyst counterpart.
It was a PhD and former Marine CIA army analyst in my Iraq enterprise who compelled then Secretary of Protection Don Rumsfeld and others to simply accept that an insurgency was rising in Iraq. The analyst’s most persuasive second got here when Rumsfeld argued forcefully that there have been a number of and differing definitions of insurgency, making use of the phrase complicated at finest and inaccurate at worst. That army analyst calmly however firmly summarized the 2 most generally accepted definitions and illustrated that the CIA’s conclusion was primarily based on the one noticed by Rumsfeld’s Division of Protection. The analyst additionally laid out premises wanted to justify that definition, all of which all within the room had been seeing. Bush declared acceptance, famous that NSC members needed to be sq. with this actuality amongst themselves, and requested all to keep away from the phrase insurgency in public.
Let me shut with an perception that sheds mild on Cheney’s close to obsession with going into Iraq to seek out WMD after which displaying a stage of consolation with enhanced interrogation methods that many discover appalling.
One morning after a PDB briefing with me, Cheney sat again and recounted some historical past following the Gulf Warfare, throughout which he was Secretary of Protection. He jogged my memory with some power that in interrogations of Saddam Hussein’s son-in-law Hussein Kamel, who defected quickly, we discovered that Iraq’s nuclear-weapons program was additional alongside than we had assessed. Moderately than a type of scolding for off-the-mark CIA evaluation again then, this attitude he was sharing signaled an acknowledgement that I knew the load of his function in persuading Bush ’43 to invade Iraq—and in his thoughts, he had good motive. If we had been underestimating Saddam’s WMD program once more and Osama bin Laden gained entry to any a part of it, the results for Individuals could be catastrophic.
The Economist Journal not too long ago summarized the unwavering sense of responsibility to nation felt by Cheney. Within the closing phrases of its obituary in reference to criticism about his posture towards countering terrorism, and on being improper about WMD in Iraq, The Economist wrote: “He was unmoved . . . He was, as at all times, simply doing his job. Making an attempt to guard America.”
All statements of truth, opinion, or evaluation expressed are these of the writer and don’t replicate the official positions or views of the US Authorities. Nothing within the contents needs to be construed as asserting or implying US Authorities authentication of data or endorsement of the writer’s views.
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